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1 àgnę
àgnę Grammatical information: n. nt Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `lamb'Page in Trubačev: I 54-55Old Church Slavic:agnę (Zogr., Supr.) `lamb' [n nt]Old Russian:Czech:jehně `lamb' [n nt]Slovak:jahňa `lamb' [n nt]Polish:jagnię `lamb' [n nt]Serbo-Croatian:jȁgne `lamb' [n nt];Čak. jȁńe (Vrgada) `lamb' [n nt], jå̃ńci [Nom p]Slovene:jágnje `lamb' [n nt];ágnje `lamb' [n nt]Bulgarian:ágne `lamb' [n nt];jágne `lamb' [n nt]Indo-European reconstruction: h₂egʷ-n-IE meaning: lambCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 9Comments: PSl. * agn- < * h₂egʷ-n- (N.B. Winter's law) with the diminutive suffix *-ę < *- ent-, which is common in designations of young animals. Slavic forms without a secondary suffix do not exist.Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} Slavic *agnędъ `black poplar', which Trubačev derives from the word for `lamb', may be related to Greek ἄμνος `chaste-tree'. I tentatively posit a root *h₂eǵ-. -
2 ȅsenь
ȅsenь Grammatical information: f. i Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `autumn'Page in Trubačev: VI 28-29Church Slavic:Russian:ósen' `autumn' [f i];jésen' (Rjaz.) `autumn' [f i]Ukrainian:ósin' `autumn' [f i]Slovak:jeseň `autumn' [f i]Polish:jesień `autumn' [f i]Serbo-Croatian:jȅsēn `autumn' [f i];Čak. jȅsēn (Vrgada) `autumn' [f i];Čak. jȅsēn (Novi) `autumn' [f i];Čak. jȅsen (Orbanići) `autumn' [nd]Slovene:jesę́n `autumn' [f i]Bulgarian:jésen `autumn' [f i]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: es-eni-Old Prussian:assanis `autumn'IE meaning: summer, autumnCertainty: +Page in Pokorny: 340Comments: If the root is indeed PIE *h₁s `to be', which would lead to a reconstruction *h₁os-en-, the e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o- elsewhere (Old Prussian being inconclusive) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of "Rozwadowski's change".Other cognates:Notes:The e- of the Slavic forms as opposed to the *o- elsewhere (Old Prussian being unclear) may be an instance of ablaut or a result of "Rozwadowski's change", but it must be said that the etymology is unclear. The Greek forms may reflect *οσαρᾱ, which would point to an r/n-stem. -
3 ȅzero
ȅzero; ȅzerъ Grammatical information: n. o; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lake'Page in Trubačev: VI 33-34Old Church Slavic:Russian:ózero `lake' [n o]Czech:Slovak:jeźer (E. dial.) `lake' [m o]Polish:Upper Sorbian:jězer `lake' [n o]Serbo-Croatian:jȅzero `lake' [n o], jezèra [Nom p];Čak. jȅzero (Vrgada) `lake' [n o], jezerå̃ [Nom p];Čak. jȅzero?? (Novi) `lake' [n o], jȅzera [Nom p];jȅzēr `lake' [m o]Slovene:ję̑zerọ `lake' [n o];ję̑zer `lake' [m o];Bulgarian:ézero `lake' [n o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: éźeroLithuanian:ẽžeras `lake' [m o] 3bLatvian:ęzęrs `lake' [m o];ęzars `lake' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eǵʰ-(e)r-o-IE meaning: lakeCertainty: -Comments: In view of "Rozwadowski's change", the reconstruction of the anlaut offers a number of alternatives (*h₂e-, *h₃e-, *Ho-), but not if the etymon under discussion belongs to *ězъ `balk, weir', which in my opinion is the case. A cognate outside Balto-Slavic is Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' < *h₁(e)ǵʰ- (-> *ězъ for the semantic apects of the etymology). Note that the short initial vowel of *jȅzero requires the reconstruction of an aspirated velar anyhow (Winter's law). The connection with the Greek mythological river Α᾽ χέρων is dubious.Other cognates: -
4 ȅzerъ
ȅzero; ȅzerъ Grammatical information: n. o; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lake'Page in Trubačev: VI 33-34Old Church Slavic:Russian:ózero `lake' [n o]Czech:Slovak:jeźer (E. dial.) `lake' [m o]Polish:Upper Sorbian:jězer `lake' [n o]Serbo-Croatian:jȅzero `lake' [n o], jezèra [Nom p];Čak. jȅzero (Vrgada) `lake' [n o], jezerå̃ [Nom p];Čak. jȅzero?? (Novi) `lake' [n o], jȅzera [Nom p];jȅzēr `lake' [m o]Slovene:ję̑zerọ `lake' [n o];ję̑zer `lake' [m o];Bulgarian:ézero `lake' [n o]Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: éźeroLithuanian:ẽžeras `lake' [m o] 3bLatvian:ęzęrs `lake' [m o];ęzars `lake' [m o]Old Prussian:Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eǵʰ-(e)r-o-IE meaning: lakeCertainty: -Comments: In view of "Rozwadowski's change", the reconstruction of the anlaut offers a number of alternatives (*h₂e-, *h₃e-, *Ho-), but not if the etymon under discussion belongs to *ězъ `balk, weir', which in my opinion is the case. A cognate outside Balto-Slavic is Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' < *h₁(e)ǵʰ- (-> *ězъ for the semantic apects of the etymology). Note that the short initial vowel of *jȅzero requires the reconstruction of an aspirated velar anyhow (Winter's law). The connection with the Greek mythological river Α᾽ χέρων is dubious.Other cognates: -
5 màkъ
màkъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `poppy'Page in Trubačev: XVII 149-151Church Slavic:Russian:Czech:mák `poppy' [m o]Slovak:Polish:Serbo-Croatian:mȁk `poppy' [m o], mȁka [Gens], màka [Gens];Čak. mȁk (Vrgada) `poppy' [m o], makȁ [Gens]Slovene:màk `poppy' [m o], máka [Gens]Bulgarian:Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ?Lithuanian:aguonà `poppy' [f ā] 2;mãguonė (dial.) `poppy' [f ē] 1 \{1\}Latvian:Old Prussian:IE meaning: poppyCertainty: -Page in Pokorny: 698Comments: The Germanic forms show grammatischer Wechsel as well as an alternation *ā: a. The vocalism, which could reflect PIE *eh₁: h₁, does not match the ā of the Greek and the Slavic forms, which leads us to assume that the vowel alternation arose when at a comparatively late stage the root māk- was borrowed into Germanic (cf. Kluge 1989, 484). The Lithuanian and Latvian forms are usually considered borrowings from Germanic, whereas OPr. moke may have been borrowed from Polish. The Estonian and Livonian forms must be borrowings from Baltic, probably Latvian. It is generally agreed upon that ultimately we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European (Mediterranean?) origin.Other cognates:Dor. μά̑κων `poppy' [f];Notes:\{1\} Besides, we find the variants maguona and magūna. The forms with m are restricted to the area around Klaipėda. \{2\} I have found the variants magùona2, magana, magane and magūne. \{3\} The initial m of the word for `poppy' was apparently lost in Lithuanian but not in Latvian. The Lithuanian dialect forms with m- may be due to the influence of the (Latvian) language of the fishermen of the Couronian Isthmus (cf. Būga RR III: 320). Sabaliauskas suggests dissimilatory loss of m, parallel to the loss of r in arotai: rarotai, akrūtas: rakrūtas, Latv. ruodere: uodere, ūk̨eris (1960, 71-72). \{4\} The first element means `sleep', cf. Nw. dial. vale `deep sleep', Sw. dial. valbjörn `Schlafdorn'. -
6 netopyr'ь
netopyr'ь Grammatical information: m. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `bat'Page in Trubačev: XXIV 143-145Church Slavic:Russian:netopýr' `bat' [m jo], netopyrjá [Gens];nétopyr' (dial.) `bat' [m jo]Ukrainian:netopýr `bat' [m o]Czech:netopýr `bat' [m o]Old Czech:netopýř `bat' [m o]Slovak:Polish:Old Polish:Upper Sorbian:njetopyŕ `bat' [m o]Slovene:netopír `bat' [m jo], netopírja [Gens] \{1\}Comments: What makes this etymon interesting, is the fact that it may contain * neto- < *nekwto- `night', with e-grade as in Hitt. nekuz `at night'. Vaillant (Gr. I: 83, IV: 655) reconstructs original o-grade, however. The second element is often interpreted as * pyrь `flier', with a lengthened zero grade (-> * pariti, * pьrati). A reanalysis * ne-topyrь seems only possible for East Slavic (Ru. ne `not', topýrit' `bristle'). According to Vaillant (l.c.), * pyrь has replaced original * pirь under the influence of the suffix *- yrь, which originated in borrowings from Greek (cf. Ru. psaltýr').Notes:\{1\} Pleteršnik mentions a large number of variants: natopír, nadopę́r, matopír, matofír, letopír, latopír, dopír, dupír, nadopir (Meg. 1744).
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